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In general, the phonemic analysis of the segmental features of standard spoken Thai (ST) follows the solution proposed by Haas and Subhanka in Spoken Thai (1945). This choice was made for two reasons: 1) the solution is basically sound, and differs only minimally, and in mutually convertible fashion, from any more economical alternative solution (such as the one proposed in Outline of Siamese Grammar), and 2) as a transcription system for ST, it has already achieved a wide acceptance, and occurs in a number of other publications on Thai (including the FSI Basic Course). The only departures, as far as symbolization is concerned, are the writing of long vowels with double vowel symbols instead of vowels plus raised dot, as in Spoken Thai, the absence of a symbol for glottal stop (written /ʔ/ in Spoken Thai, determined by the presence of stress in the present analysis) and the writing of short diphthongs with /-ə/ instead of /aˀ/.

The important departures from the Haas analysis involve prosodic features: tones, stress, rhythm, and intonation. The present analysis proposes six ST tones, instead of five. But even here, the four Haas tone symbols, plus the unmarked tone, have been retained to correspond with five of the six tones; only one new tone symbol, /อ̃/, has been added. For the remaining prosodic categories, the Spoken Thai system has no symbolization, except perhaps the ambiguous implications of space or lack of space between syllables, and undefined punctuation marks. The symbols used here for stress, rhythm, and intonation phenomena, then, are all new and correlate with specific phases of the complete phonemic analysis which follows.


Phonologlcal Unlts

Within the ST utterance, the following phonologically significant subdivisions occur: the clause, the phrase, and the syllable. Clauses are characterized by intonation contours and junctures, of which there are two types each. Phrases are characterized by rhythmic patterns, involving relative syllable-durations of six distinct kinds. Syllables are characterized by stress contours, of which there are six types. Phonemes of all the above categories are prosodic phonemes.

Within the syllable, there are four types of component: initial, nucleus, final, and tone. Consonant phonemes result from the analysis of initial and final components, vowel phonemes from nuclear components, and tone phonemes from tonal components. These are all syllabic phonemes. In the summary and the individual phoneme listings, syllabic contrasts are presented first, followed by prosodic contrasts.

Initial Contrasts

There are twenty contrasting initials of one segment each, eleven common initials of two segments each, plus zero initial, making a total of 32 contrasts.

บ้า /bâa/ crazy ลา /laa/ donkey
ป่า /paa/ forest ราบ /raab/ flat
ปราบ /praab/ subdue จาน plate
ปลา fish ชาม bowl
ผ้า cloth ยา medicine
พราน hunter กา teapot
พลาด slip กราบ prostrate
ฟ้า sky กล้า bold
มา come กว่า more
ด่า curse คราว occasion
ตา eye คล้าย similiar
ตรา stamp ขวา right side
ทา daub ห้า five
สาม three งา tusk
นา field อ้า open the jaws

Nuclear Contrasts

There are nine contrasting nuclei of one segment each (short vowels), nine geminate two-segment nuclei (long vowels), and five nuclei consisting of different segments (diphthongs), for a total of 23 contrasts. Three diphthongs are long (those ending in /a/), and two are short (ending in /ə/). There is no zero nucleus.

Long Nuclei Short Nuclei
หลีก bypass พลิก turn over
เรียก call เกี๊ยะ wooden shoes
เลข number เล็ก small
แลก exchange เก๊ก sharp sound
ลืม forget ลึก deep
เลือก choose
เลิก quit เงิน silver
ลาก haul ลัก steal
ลูก child ลุก get up
ลวก parboil จั๊วะ pure-white
โลก world นก bird
ลอก peel เกาะ island

Final Contrasts

There are eight common contrasting finals of one segment each, plus zero final, making a total of 9 contrasts.

ดับ extinguish ดัด straighten
ดัก net ดำ black
ดัน push ดัง loud
เดา guess ดะ plunge ahead
ใด any

Tonal Contrasts

There are six contrasting tones, four of them relatively level in contour, one falling, and one rising. There is no zero tone.

Level Oblique
เขา he เข้า enter
เค้า feature
เคารบ respect เขา hill
เข่า knee

Stress Contrasts

There are six contrasting stress contours occurring on individual syllables, three of them sustained (level of loudness peaking toward middle, then dying out slowly) and three diminishing (level of loudness greatest at beginning of syllable, dying out rapidly).

Sustained Diminishing
xxxx Of course (it) came xxxx C 'mere
xxxx (it) came, (but) xxxx I (it) came
xxxx ..., Mah xxxx up to now

(The last two examples, with the translations 'Mah,' a man's name used vocatively, and 'up to now,' a functional word that follows verbs, do not occur in isolation as do the first four examples.)

Rhythmic Contrasts

There are six distinguishable degrees of relative syllable-length within an utterance, three of which are determined by stress and intonation features, two of which are in contrast, plus the shortest length which is interpreted as zero duration. The first five relative durations are illustrated with a syllable /มี/ taken from large contexts, in descending order of length.

[มี] Yes, there are.
[มี] There are.
[มี, นะ] There are, you know.
[มีนา] There are fields.
มีนา The month of March.

The last two examples illustrate direct rhythmic contrast. Zero duration occurs in the syllable /xxx/ in the following: /xxx/ 'Until March.'

Intonational Contrasts

Portions of utterances have two contrasting types of intonation contour: 1) high pitch-line, In which the absolute pitch-range of each kind of tone remains roughly the same from one end of the clause to the other, and is relatively high, and 2) falling pitch-line, in which the absolute pitch-range drops steadily. The effect is most easily audible when all syllables in the utterance-portion have the same tone (in this case mid tone):

1. ชาวนากำลังยิงปลาในคู
The farmer is shooting the fish in the pond.
2. ชาวนากำลังมองปลาในคู
The farmer is looking at the fish in the pond.

The second contour is analyzed as zero intonation.

Utterance-portions are separated in two ways. 1) by resumption of pitch-line at a lower level, 2) by resumption of the pitch-line at a higher level. When the first portion has falling pitch-line, and the resumption is at a low level, there must be pause /./ otherwise a single intonation contour results. The same is true of a high-pitch-line portion with resumption at a high level.

In the following pair of utterances, the utterance-port1ons are identical (all have falling intonation), and the contrast is in the Juncture alone. Example 1) is 'close Juncture,' written /./, and Example 2) is 'open Juncture, written /.f/.

1. เสื้อตัวนี้หรือ คุณใส่เมื่อคืนนี้
Is this the coat you wore last night?
2. เสื้อตัวนี้หรือ คุณใส่เมื่อคืนนี้
Is this the coat? You wore it last night.

Since both portions may have either of the two intonation contours, and the separation may be by either of the two Junctures, there are eight possible intonation-sequences for this particular pair of utterance portions (see 1.6.3).



The 21 consonant phonemes of ST are defined schematically as follow:

Labial Dental Palatal Velar Other
Unaspirated Lenis stops /b/ /d/ /g/
Aspirated Lenis stops /ph/ /th/ /ch/ /kh/
Fortis stops /p/ /t/ /c/ /k/
Nasal Continuants /m/ /n/ /ŋ/
Oral Continuants /w/ /l/ /j/ /r/
Spirants /f/ /s/ /h/

All consonant phonemes except /g/ are in contrast in initial position. The oral continuants /w/, /l/, and /r/ are in multiple contrast as second members of initial clusters. All the unaspired lenis stops /b d g/, all the nasal continuants /m n ŋ/, and two of the oral continuants, /w/ and /j/, are in multiple contrast in final position. Other consonants occur infrequently as second members of clusters and in final position; these occurrences are noted as 'rare' under the individual phoneme headings.

Fortis glottal stop [ʔ] occurs in both initial and final positions, but is not a phoneme. Its initial occurrence is determined by the onset of either stress phoneme, /'/ or /.'/, on any vowel nucleus (i.e., when no other initial consonant is present); its final occurrence is determined by the cessation of either stress phoneme on any short vowel nucleus (i.e. when no other final consonant is present, and the vowel is short).

Allophonic Sets

Certain allophonic generalizations are applicable to whole sets of consonants in certaln environments:

1. The final consonants listed as 'unreleased,' /b, d, g/, are slowly released and may partly overlap with a following sound; they are completely unreleased before /./.
2. The other final consonants, /m n ŋ w j/, have weak, short allophones after long vowels and strong, long allophones after short vowels.
3. The fortis stops /p t k/ (but not /c/), the nasals /m n ŋ/, and the splrants /f s h/ are slightly velarized before the high vowels /i y u/; other inltial consonants partly assimilate to these vowels.
4. All initial consonants listed as 'voiceless' may be partially voiced in rapid speech when they follow a voiced sound and precede an unstressed vowel: e.g. /ph/ in /'faa-pha'naŋ/ 'wall' and /t/ in /'aw-ta'puu/ 'take a nail.'
5. All final consonants listed as 'voiced' approach voicelessness at the end of a syllable wlth loud diminuendo stress: /j/ in /!paj./ 'Let's go.'
6. The consonants which occur as second members of clusters, /w l r/, are voiced after unasplrated stops but voiceless (at least at the beglnning) after aspirated stops: /'plɛɛ/ 'translate' (voiced /l/), /'phlɛ̌ɛ/ 'wound' (voiceless /l/).

Labial Consonants

/b/ Unaspirated lenis stop.
Always bilabial, with full closure. As initial - fully voiced, with voice beginning well before closure is released: /'baa/ 'crazy.' Under heavy stress, and occasionally under normal stress, slightly imposive: /!baa:/. (Variant: prenasalized.)
As final - unreleased, normally voiceless: /'rab/ 'take.' Occasionally voiced, especially after long, high vowel: /'riib/ 'hurry.' First in cluster (rare) -- voiced: /'bryy/ 'extremely fast. '
/ph/ Aspirated lenis stop.
As initial-voiceless, always bilabial, with complete or near-complete but loose closure: /'phaa/ 'cloth.'
First in cluster - same, with less aspiratlon: /'phrɛɛ/ 'sllk cloth.'
/p/ Fortis stop.
As initial - voiceless, unaspirated. Bilabial, with closed lips held tightly against teeth for sharp, clean release: /'paa/ 'aunt.' Variant, for some speakers: labio-dental stop. First in cluster - same: /'plaa/ 'fish.'
/m/ Nasal continuant.
Always bilabial, with full closure. As initial - fully voiced, fortis, wlth lips against teeth (percussion from release sometimes audible). /'maa/ 'come.'
As final - lenis, voiced strongly: /'dam/ 'black,' weakly: /'chaam/ 'bowl,' partly voiceless: /aj !dam/ (calling a dog named 'Blackie.')
/w/ Oral continuant.
Normally bilabial, with at least some aperture, lenis. As initial - fully voiced, with narrow aperture and simultaneous dorsal humping (but no protrusion of lips as in /uu/): /'waa/ 'say.' Often has audible friction, especially before high vowels: /'wii/ 'comb.' Second in cluster - same, overlapping first member of cluster, but without dorsal humping, voiced: /'kwaa/ 'more,' partly voiceless, some frictlon: /'khwaa/ 'right side.'
Variant for some speakers, flrst two positions only: voiced labiodental spirant. As final - with wider aperture, less dorsal humping, some protrusion, no friction, voiced strongly; /'raw/ 'we,' weekly: /'raaw/ 'approxlmately,' partly voiceless: /!aw/ 'Take ltl'
/f/ Spirant.
Voiceless, high-friction, normally labio-dental. As initial - fortis: /'faa/ 'sky.' Variant for a few speakers: bilablal, wlth very narrow aperture. As final (rare) - lenis: /'cheef/ 'Chevrolet.' First in cluster (rare) - lenis, less friction: /'frii/ 'without cost.'

Dental Consonants

/d/ Unasplrated lenls stop. Broad tongue-tlp contact wlth backs of upper teeth; tlP may also touch gums. As lnltlal - fully vOlced, wlth VOlce beglnnlng well before tongue-tlp lS wlthdrawna /'daa/ 'curse.' Under heavy stress, and occaslonally under normal stress, sllghtly lmploslve: /'dll:/ 'Sure, It's good! I (Varlanta pre-nasallzed.) As flnal - unreleased, normally vOlceless: /rr6d/ 'car. I Occaslonally vOlced, especlally after long hlgh vowel: /'myyd/ 'dark.' Flrst In cluster (rare) vOlced: /'dr~J/ 'drlve (golf 9r automatlc transmlSSlon) I /th/ Asplrated lenls stop. As lnltlal - vOlceless, always apJco-dental, wlth complete but loose contact: /'thaa/ 'landlng-place.' Flrst ~ cluster (rare) - same, wlth less asplratlon: /lthruu-'mEEn/ 'Truman. I /t/ Fortls stop. VOlceless, unasplrated. As lnltlal - aplco-dental, wlth tlP held tensely agalnst teeth for sharp, clean release: /Itaa/ 'eye. I Varlant, for some speakers~ lnterdental stop. Flrst In clustera-aplco-alveolara /Itraa/ 'stamp. I 11 /n/ Nasal contlnuant. Always aplco-dental, wlth broad contact. As lnltlal fully vOlced, fortls, wlth flrm contact agalnst teeth: /'naa/ 'face. ' As flnal - lenls, vOlced strongly: /'kan/ 'to ward off,' . weakly: /'kaan/ 'affalrs,' partly vOlce]ess: /!dan/ 'Push!' Allophone In close Juncture wlth lnltlal /1/ In followlng syllable - nasallzed lateral. /'phon-la'maaJ/ 'frult.' Allophone In close Juncture wlth lnltlal /r/ In followlng syllable - nasallzed aplco-alveolar flap: /'man-ra'Jaad/ 'manners. ' Allophone In close Juncture wlth lnltlal /J/ In followlng syllable - palatal nasal: /'pan-'Jaa/ 'bralns.' /1/ Oral contlnuant. Normally aplco-dental lateral, wlth aperture on both sldes of tongue, lenls. As lnltlal - fully vOlced, no audlble frlctlon, no dorsal humplng: /'laa/ 'donkey.' Second In cluster - same, overlapplng flrst member of cluster, vOlced: /'plaa/ 'flSh,' partly vOlceless, some frlctlon: /'phlee~/ 'song.' Varlant for some speakers, flrst two posltlons only: aplco-alveolar lateral. As flnal (rare, few speakers) - aplco-dental lateral. L'bll/ 'Blll.' /s/ Splrant. VOlceless, hlgh-frlctlon, normally aplco-dental groove. As lnltlal - fortlS: /'saam/ 'three.' As flnal (rare) - lenls: /'n{s-'saJ/ 'characterlstlcs. I Flrst In cluster (rare) - lenls, less frlctlon: /'staa~/ 'money. '

Palatal Consonants

/ch/ Asplrated lenls stop (or vOlceless splrant). Inltlal posltlon only. vOlceless, normally wlth loose contact of tongue-blade wlth forward portlon of hard palate: /'chaam/ 'bowl.' Varlant: sIlt splrant In same posltlon. Varlant. palatallzed aplco-alveolar stop. 12 /c/ Fortls stop Inltlal posltlon only. VOlceless, unasplrated, wlth flrm contact of tongue-blade and hard palate: /'caan/ 'dlSh.' Varlant: palatallzed aplco-alveolap stop. /J/ Oral contlnuant. Normally hlgh-front semlvowel, lenls. As lnltlal - fully vOlced, wlth narrow aperture extendlng over wlde area: /'Jaa/ 'medlclne.' Often has audlble frlctlon, especlally before blgh vowels: /'J11- 'sib/ 'twenty.' Varlant for some speakers: vOlced palatal splrant. Second ~ cluster (rare) - same, overlapplng flrst member of cluster, vOlced or vOlceless: /'phJaa/ (tltle). As flnal - wlth wlder aperture, no frlctlon, vOlced strongly: /'paJ/ 'go,' weakly: /'baaJ/ 'afternoon,' partly vOlceless: /JpaJ/ 'Let's goJ'

Velar Consonants

/g/ Unasplrated lenls stop. Flnal posltlon only. Dorsal contact In mld-velar area, unreleased, normally vOlceless: /'rag/ 'love.' Occaslonally vOlced, especlally after long hlgh vowel: /'luug/ 'Chlld.' /kh/ Asplrated lenls stop (or vOlceless splrant). As Inltlal - vOlceless, wlth complete or near-complete but loose closure In mld-velar area: /'khaa/ 'klll.' Flrst ~ cluster - same, wlth less asplratlon: /'khruu/ 'teacher. ' Varlant (both posltlons): vOlceless velar affrlcate. Varlant (both posltlons): vOlceless velar splrant. /k/ Fortls stop. As lnltlal - vOlceless, unasplrated. Mld-velar, wlth back of tongue held flrmly In contact untll sharp, clean release: /'kaa/ 'crow. I Flrst ~ cluster - same: /'klaa~/ 'mlddle.' /~/ Nasal contlnuant. Always mld-velar, wlth dorsal contact. 13 As lnltlal - fully vOlced, fortls, wlth flrm contact over broad area: /'~aa/ 'tusk.' As flnal - lenls, vOlced s~rongly: /'lo~/ 'go down,' weakly. /'klaa~/ 'mlddle,' partly vOlced: /!lo~/ 'Get down! I 1.3.7. Other Consonants /r/ Alveolar oral contlnuant. Normally aplco-alveolar flap, wlth groovlng of tongue, lenls. As lnltlal - fully vo~ced, Ilttle or no frlctlon: /'raaJ/ 'case. ' Second In clustel - same, overlapplng flrst member of cluster, vOlced: /'traa/ 'stamp,' partly vOlceless, more frlctlon: /'phrEE/ 'sllk cloth. I Varlant(both posltlons): vOlced retroflex splrant wlth low frlctlon. /h/ Glottal splrant. Normally a vOlceless~ low-frlctlon splrant. As lnltlal - fortls. /'haa/ 'flve.' As flnal (rare) - lenls: /nah/ (flnal partlcle). Varlant (both posltlons): vOlceless vowel of same posltlon as contlguous vOlced vowel.



The 9 vowel phonemes of ST are deflned schematically as follows:

Front Back Unrounded Back Rounded
High /i/ /y/ /u/
Mid /e/ /ɛ/ /o/
Low /ə/ /a/ /ɔ/

All vowel phonemes are in contrast in the nuclear positlon of the syllable (between consonants). All types occur both long and short, the long nuclel belng interpreted here as two instances of the corresponding short vowel phoneme: /ii/, /ee/, etc.

There are five nuclear diphthongs, three long and two short. The long ones are analyzed as instances of single high-vowel phonemes plus /a/, the short ones as hlgh-vowel phonemes plus /ə/.

Long /ia/ /ya/ /ua/
Short: /iə/ /uə/

Allophonic Sets

Certaln allophonlc generallzatlons are appllcable to whole sets of vowels In certaln envlronments: 1) All vowel nuclel conslstlng of two lnstances of the same phoneme (called 'double' In the Ilstlng of allophones by phoneme below) average longer In duratlon than the vowel phoneme by ltself (called 'slngle' below), but less than twice as long. 2) The long dlphthongs /la, ya, ua/ average sllghtly longer than double vowels (e.g. Ill, yy, uu/), and over tWlce as long as slngle vowels (e.g. /l, y, u/). 3) The short dlphthongs /le, ue/ average sllghtly longer than slngle vowels, but shorter than double vowels. 4) The hlgh double vowels Ill, yy, uu/ start Wlth a gllde from mld central posltlon after all fortls lnltlal consonants except /c/. The effect lS less notlceable wlth the correspondlng short vowels /l, y, u/. 5) All hlgh and mld vowels have tenser allophones, generally speaklng, In long nuclel, and laxer allophones In short nuclel. 6) All low vowels have laxer allophones In long nuclel, and tenser allophones In short nuclel. They are also nasallzed after /h/, nasal consonants, and zero lnltlals: /'h88/ 'parade,' /'maa/ 'come,' and /';~g/ 'exlt. 1

Vowel Phonemes

/l/ Hlgh front vowel. Double - tense upper hlgh front, unrounded: /'dll/ 'good, 1 after fortls consonant (except /c/) gllde from central to front: /ISll/ 'four.' ( Slngle - same quarlty as double before /w/ and zero flnal: /'n{w/ 'flnger,' /Itl/ 'crltlclze,' but lax and sllghtly lower before other flnals: /'tld/ Iget stuck. ' Before /a/ - long lax (no gllde after fortls consonants): /Isla/ Ilose.' Before /e/ - short tense: /'k{e/ 'wooden shoes. ' 15 /e/ Mld front vowel. Double - tense upper mld front, unrounded: /'thee/ 'pour. I Slngle - same quallty before zero flnal. /Ite/ 'klck, I lax and somewhat lower before other flnals: /Ipen/ 'allve, I centrallzed before /w/: /'rew/ 'fast. I /E/ Low front vowel. Double - lax upper low front, unrounded, sllghtly centerlng. /'kEE/ 'old,' after /h/, nasal, or zero lnltlal, sllghtly nasallzed: /'meE/ 'mother. I Slngle - same quallty before zero flnal, but tense. /'ke/ 'sheep,' lax and less central before other flnals: /'khE~/ 'hard. I /y/ Hlgh back unrounded \owel. Double - tense mld-hlgh, between central and back: /'dyy/ Istubborn, I after fortls consonant, upward gllde: /'myy/ 'hand. I Slngle - lax and sllghtly lower: /'dy~/ 'pull. I Before /~/ - long lax (no gllde after fortls consonants): /'sya/ Itlger. I /e/ Mld back unrounded vowel. Double - tense lower mld, between central and backs /Ioeen/ Iwalk, I all the way back before /J/s /'leeJ/ 'to pass. ' Slngle - same quallty as double, /'~en/ 'slIver, r /'J~/ 'a lot. I After /~/ and /~/ - fast mld central gllde: /Ik{e/ 'wooden shoes, /'c~eg/ lpure-whlte. I /a/ Low back unrounded vowel. Double - lax lower low central: /Itaa/ 'eye, I after /h/, nasal, or zero lnltlal, nasallzed: /'haa/ 'flve.' Slngle - same quallty before zero flnal, but tenses /'ka/ 'estlmate, I lax and sllghtly hlgher before other flnals. /'kan/ 'ward off, I further front before /J/: /'paJ/ Igo, I further back before /w/: /'raw/ 'we. I After /~/, lxi, and /~/ -before zero flnal, slow gllde to low central posltlon: /Itua/ 'body, I before other flnals, faster 16 1 •.5.1 gllde through h1gher central pos1t1on (but not as h1gh as lei); /'duaJ/ lalso, I /lr1an/ Istudy, , /'lyagl 'choose. I lui H1gh back rounded vowel. Double - tense upper h1gh, far backs I'duu/ 'look at, I after fort1s consonant, gllde from central to backs I'tuul 'chest. I Slngle - same qual1ty as double before IJ/ and zero f1nals l'khuJ/ 'converse, I /Idu/ 'savage, I but lax and Sllghtly lower before other f1nals /khun/ 'yoU.' Before /~I - long lax (no gllde after fort1s consonants): I'tua/ 'body.' Before /~I - short tense: I'c~egl 'pure-wh1te.' 10/ M1d back rounded vowel. Double - tense upper m1d back, far backs I'tool 'b1g. I Slngle - same qual1ty before zero f1nal. /lt6/ 'table, I lax and somewhat lower before other f1nals: I'ton/ Itrunk of plant, I central1zed before IJ/: /doJ/ 'by means of. I 101 Low back rounded vowel. Double - lax upper low, between back and central. I'k;ol 11nst1gate,' after /h/, nasal, or' zero 1n1t1al, nasal1zed: I'h;ol 'package. I Slngle - same qual1ty before zero f1nal, but tense. /'k;/ '1sland, I lax and less central before other f1nals: l'h5~1 Iroom. I



The 6 tone phonelrles of ST are def1ned as follows: Level Tones PIa 1n H1gh 1/ Constr1cted H1gh /'1 M1d (unmarked) Low /'/ Obl1que Tones Fall1ng I "I Rls1ng I vI As far as 1solated syllables are concerned, all SlX tones are 1n contrast only on syllables w1th susta1ned loud stress. /J 1/. In the env1ronment I. I .1, for example, there 1S no contrast between m1d and low 17 tones, Wh1Ch are d1st1ngu1shable to most speakers only w1th reference to tones of surround1ng syllables. In many other env1ronments, there 1S no contrast between the two h1gh tones (pla1n h1gh tone hav1ng a very low funct10nal Y1eld.) No tone 1S determ1ned, and the absence of any' sYmbol for m1d tone 1n a stressed syllable 1S merely a graph1c conven1ence. In unstressed syllables of short duratJon, however, the absence of a tonA symbol actually means zero tonel /caphuud/ 'w111 speak' (f1rst syllable).

Allophonic Sets

Certain generalizations are applicable to all tones insofar as their allophones are concerned:

1) Tone contours are longer under any type of susta1ned stress, or before pause, than they are under normal stress cond1t1ons 1n the 1nter10r of a phrase. Unless a part1cular allophone of a tone has other pecu11ar1t1es under these c1rcumstances, no separate 11st1ng of the allophone 1S made. 2) The actual p1tch-range of a g1ven tone 1S determ1ned by 1tS place on the 'pltch-11ne' of the 1ntonat10n contour of 1tS clause (1.2.8); all lnd1cat10ns of pltch contour are glven 1n reference to a relat1ve med1an p1tch, wh1ch 1S the level of m1d tone at that part1cular place on the p1tch-llne. No allophones are 11sted for tone phonemes 1n d1fferent pos1t10ns of the clause. 3) The actual length of a g1ven tone contour 1S determ1ned by the rhythm of 1tS phrase (1.2.7), as well as the type of stress) no allophones are 11sted for tone phonemes 1n d1fferent pos1t1ons of the phrase.

Tone Phonemes

/-/ Pla1n h1gh tone. Normal stress - level contour, beg1nn1ng and end1ng above med1an p1tch, no constr1Ct1oni /Ichan/ II, me.' Loud susta1ned stress - contour beg1nn1ng at a very h1gh p1tch and r1s1ng st111 h1gherl /J taaJI/ (exclamat1on.) other susta1ned stress-- contour beg1nn1ng Just above med1an p1tch, r1s1ng s11ghtly, then falllng off gently: /'fon 'tog 'suu:/ 'ra1n1ng stead11y, I /lpaJ naa:/ 'Come on and gO, w111 you~ , Weak stress - short h1gh level contour /'d11: nag/ 'too good. ' 18 1'1 Constrlcted hlgh tone. Normal stress - level or sllghtly rlslng contour, beglnnlng and endlng above medlan pltch, constrlcted throughout vOlced portlon of syllable, glottallzed toward end If no stop present: /'chanl 'shelf', I'chad/ 'clear,' droPPlng sllghtly toward end before pause /'r~0n./ 'It's hot.' Loud sustalned stress - contour beglnnlng at a hlgher pltch, rlslng sharply and falllng off gradually, contrlcted throughout: l!r~0nl/ 'It's hot!' Weak stress - contour same as for normal stress, but cut off by glottal stop or shortenlng of nucleusl I'dll: IEEwl 'O.K. then,' l'dsJ I waJI 'had gotten. ' I I (unmarked) Mld tone. Normal stress - level contour, beglnnlng and endlng near medlan pltch, no constrlctlOnt I'maa/ 'come,' dropplng very sllghtly toward end before pause. /'maa./ 'Came.' Loud sustalned stress - contour beglnnlng at medlan pltch, rlslng and falllng gradually: /!maa:/ 'Of course (he) came!' Weak stress - contour beglnnlng at medlan or lower pltch, VOlce dylng out rapldly: l'daJ: maal 'got.' Loud stress - contour same as for normal stress, but cut off by vOlcelessness before end. l!paJI 'Let's go!' Ii below medlan lsola tlon) I l'phaa.1 'It Low tone. Normal stress - level contour, beglnnlng and endlng sllghtly pltch, no constrlctlon (lndlstlngulshable from mld tone In /'phaa/ 'spIlt,' dropplng very sllghtly toward end before pause, spllt. ' Loud sustalned stress - contour low level at flrst, slldlng upward toward end (dlstlngulshable from mld tone allophone of thls type): I!Jaa:1 'Don't do It!' Weak stress - contour beglnnlng at med~an or lower pltch, VOlce dylng our rapldly (same as mld tone): /'maa 'nil: k00n/ 'Come here a moment. ' I~I Falllng tone Normal stress - contour beglnnlng Just below pltch-level for the two hlgh tones, rlslng qUlckly above that level, then falllng rather 19 sharply to medlan pltch or below, wlth Sllght constrlctlon throughout, /rnaa/ 'front,' dropplng less sharply all the way to low-tone pltch-level before pause: l,naa.1 'It's In front. ' Loud sustalned stress - contour startlng hlgher than hlgh-tone level, rlslng, then dropplng wlth lncreaslng speed and constrlctlon, all the way to low-tone level or below: IJdaaJ:/ 'Of course lt'S posslbleJ' Weak stress - contour falls from hlgh-tone level very Sllghtly, wlth Ilttle constrlctlon, /maJ 'mll/ 'There aren't any. ' Loud stress - contour more rapld than for normal stress, but cut off by vOlcelessness toward end, IJaawl 'For heaven's sake!' / V/ / R1Slng tone. Normal stress - contour beglnnlng Just above pltch-level for low tone, dlpplng qUlckly below that level, then rlslng rather sharply almost to hlgh-tone level, no constrlctlon: /'naa/ 'thlCk,' rlslng less sharply to a pOlnt Just above medlan pltch before pause: /rnaa./ 'It's thlCk.' Loud sustalned stress - contour startlng lower than low-tone level, no constrlctlonl /Jnaa,/ 'Of course lt's thlCkJ' Weak stress - contour beglns at medlan pltch or above and rlses only Sllghtly: /phom 'mll/ 'I have It.'

Prosodic Phonemes


To some extent prosodic phonemes are distributionally interrelated, In the same way that syllabic phonemes are. stress phonemes have a special relationship with both rhythm and intonation phonemes, and the latter have some relationship with each other (see 1.7.4). It is nearly feasible, In fact, to combine stress and rhythm contrasts into a single type of phoneme, Just as initial and final syllable-contrasts are combined into consonant phonemes.

Stress phonemes have to do with the (already-defined) syllable, rhythm phonemes with the phrase (defined In 1.6.4, end), and intonation phonemes with the clause (defined In 1.6.3 end). The order of presentation, however, is stress, intonation, then rhythm. Prosodic phonemes do not usually have allophones in the sense that syllabic phonemes do. One exception is the intonation phoneme /↑/, which has positional variants (see 1.6.3).

Stress Phonemes

The six stress-contours of ST syllables are analyzed in terms of three phonemes and their combinations:

Loud Onset /!/

Normal Onset /ˈ/

Sustained Contour /ː/

The symbols for onset phonemes are written at the beginning of the syllable in question; absence of any symbol here indicates weak onset (not a phoneme). The symbol for the sustained contour phoneme is written at the end of the syllable; absence of a symbol here indicates diminishing stress (not a phoneme).

The six possible stress-contours are illustrated as follows, using the syllable /paj/ for contrastive purposes:

1) Loud Diminishing Stress: /!paj/ 'Let's go!'

2) Loud Sustained Stress: /!pajː/ 'Sure (he) went!'

3) Normal Diminishing Stress: /'paj/ 'Yes (he) went.'

4) Normal Sustained Stress: / 'paj: kan/ 'They went.'

5) Weak Dimlnishing Stress: /'ɔɔg: paj/ ' (He) went out.'

6) Weak Sustained Stress: /'ɔɔg paj: khrab/ '(He) went out, Sir.'

Intonation Phonemes

The eight possible intonation-sequences for a single pair of utterance-portions are analyzed in terms of only two phonemes and their combinations:

Pause /./

Upper pitch-line /↑/

The symbol for the pause phoneme is written wherever it occurs; its absence impiles continuous phonation throughout a sequence. The symbol for upper pitch-line, written by itself /↑/ or after pause /↑./, means a new intonation contour beginning on a high pitch-line; absence of /↑/ after pause implies resumption of the pitch-line at a low level. The same symbol written before pause /↑./ means high pitch-line intonation contour; its absence in this position implies falling pitch-line intonation contour. The combination /↑.↑/ occurs, meaning high intonation contour followed after pause by new intonation contour beginning at original pitch-line (which is the same or higher than the end of the first contour). The combination /↑↑/ does not occur.

The symbol /.../ is used to replace /./ whenever an utterance iS obviously broken off short of completion of the portion in question. The symbol /.../ has no phonemic status.

The eight intonation sequences are illustrated as follows, uSing identical constituents for contrastive purposes. Portions separated by /.↑/ or /↑/ are said to be in open clause juncture; those separated by /./ are said to be in close clause juncture.

1) Two falling contours In close Juncture: Isya tua- In{l: re8 • khun IsaJ 'mya-khyyn- In{l • 'Is thls the coat you wore last plght?'

2) Two faliing contours In open Juncture: 'sya tua-'n{l: re8 . t khun IsaJ Imya-khyyn-'n{l . 'Is thlS the coat1 You wore It last nlght. I

3) Hlgh and falllng contours In close Juncture: 'sya tua- 'n{l: re8 t. khun IsaJ 'mya-khyyn- 'n{l 'Is thlS the coat you wore last n1ght~ I

4) Hlgh and falllng contours In open Juncture: Isya tua- In{l: re8t. t khun IsaJ 'mya-khyyn- 'n{l lIs thls the coat~J You wore It last nlght.'

5) Falllng and hlgh contours In close Juncture: (rare): Isya tua-In{l: re8 . khun IsaJ Imya7khyyn-ln{1: t. 'Is thlS the coat you wore last nlght~J More common would be the slngle-clause transform:

6) Falllng and h1gh contours In open Juncture: 'sya tua-'n{ll re8 . t khun 'saJ 'mya-khyyn- 'n{ll t 'Is th1S the coat1 You wore 1t last nlghtJ'

7) Two hlgh contours In close Juncture: 'sya tua- In{l: re8 t . khun 'saJ 'mya-khyyn- 'n{l t. lIs thlS the coat you wore last nlght~J'

8) Two hlgh contours In open Juncture: Isya tua- In{l: re8 t . t khun IsaJ lmya-khyyn-In{ll t • 'Is th1S the coat~J You wore 1t last n1ghtJ'

A phonemic clause iS any portion of an utterance WhiCh has itS own intonation contour or iS separated from the rest of the utterance by one of the clause Junctures. All the utterances above consist of two clauses. The following utterances consist of single clauses:

'sya tua-ln~l: reG 'khun 'saJ 'mya-khyyn-'n~l 'Is thls the coat you wore last nlght~'

'sya tua- 'n{l: reG 'khun 'saJ 'mya-khyyn- 'n{l: ,. 'Is thls the coat you wore ~ nlght~J'

(In meanlng, they correspond respectively to the two-clause utterances 1) and 7) above.)

Rhythm Phonemes

The rhythmlc patterns of ST sequences are analyzed In terms of two phonemes already mentloned, the lntonatlon phoneme / . / (pause) and the stress phoneme / : / (sustalned stress), plus two new phonemes whlch have to do wlth the relatlve duratlon of syllables not lmmedlately followed by / . / or / , /; such syllables are lnternal. Syllable-duratlon lS deflned as the tlme elapsed between the beglnnlng of the syllable In questlon and the beglnnlng of the next syllable In the utterance, regardless of whether any phonatlon lS gOlng on or any sound belng produced. Thus, a weak-stressed syllable wlth a short vowel and a vOlceless flnal stop, such as /nag/ 'too' may have greater duratlon wlthln a glven sequence than a loud sustalned-stressed syllable wlth vOlclng from beglnnlng to end, such as /Jr~on:/ 'It's hotJ' The last syllable In an utterance, of course, has lnflnlte duratlon. The other phonemes and comblnatlons are Ilsted In descendlng order of duratlon, as follows. The comblnatlon / : . / determlnes extra-long duratlon for the syllable whlch precedes. It lS never lnternal. / . / determlnes medlum-long lnternal-syllable duratlon. / / determlnes long-duratlon, never internal / / / - / (space after syllable) lS a phoneme meanJng medlum lnternal-syllable duratlon. (hyphen after syllable) lS a phoneme meanlng medlum-short lnternal-syllable duratlon. The absence of a hyphen or space after an lnternal syllable l~plles short duratlon (not a phoneme). 23 The four 1nternal-syllable durat10ns are contrasted 1n the follow1ng pa1rs of examples: 'paJ 'naJ: 'd11 t. 'Where are you gOlng, Dee'" 'paJ 'naJ 'd11: t. 'Where shall I go" r 2) rnaam 'thaa-ca'med • 'The water seems to be all gone. r rnaam- 'thaa calmed • 'The water w1ll be used up. ' 3) 'da J kawe- 'laa • 'Has to do w1th t1me.' 'daJ-'ka we-'laa • 'Has est1mated the t1me.' A phonem1c phrase 1S that port1on of a clause Wh1Ch conta1ns only one susta1ned stress I : I. In a clause cons1st1ng of two or more phrases the cut 1S made 1mmed1ately before the next syllable after the / : / Wh1Ch has normal / ' / or loud I J I stress. All the examples above, except the flrst, conslst of a slngle phrase. (The sYmbol for phrase boundary, I , I, lS not a phoneme). Two phrases: 'paJ 'naJ: , 'dlll t ,khun r sa J 'mya- khyyn- 'n{ 1 • (The second example 1S the pauseless verSlon of the flrst lntonatlon example, 1. 6.3 • )


Maxlmum and Mlnlmum Syllables

The maXlmum structure of the ST syllable lS sYmbollzed In the followlng for:mln, WhlCh also summarlzes the posltlons In WhlCh phonemlc sYmbols havlng to do wlth syllablc components are wrltten: T Sl Cl C2 VI V2 C3 S2 For example, the syllable IJplaaw:1 lD the utterance I!plaaw: t.1 'Of course not!' contalDs one phoneme from each of these categorles. 24 The m1n1mum syllable 1S symbo11zed as follows: VI For example, the syllable lal 1n the utterance Irtham-a'raJ .1 'What are you d01ng~' cons1sts of a s1ngle vowel phoneme. The mean1ngs of the symbols 1n the formulae are as follows: T -- any tone phoneme 81 - the stress phoneme I , I or I I °1 - any consonant phoneme °2 - any consonant phoneme, but normally only Iw 1 r/ VI - any vowel phoneme V2 - any vowel phoneme °3 - one of the consonant phonemes IbdgmnlJ w J (f s 1)1 82 - the stress phoneme I : I

Normal Syllablc Dlstrlbutlon

Excludlng rare lnstances of dlstr1but1on (e.g. ln1tlal consonant clusters such as Istl and flnal consonants such as /f/) , the normal Ilmltatlons on dlstrlbutlon of phonemes wlth1n the syllable are as follows: 1) If °2 lS /w/, °1 lS /k/ or Ikh/· 2) If 02 lS /1/, °1 lS one of th1s set I /p, ph, k, khl 3) If °2 lS Ir/, °1 lS one of thlS set: Ip, ph, t, k, kh/. 4) If 02 lS Iw/, VI 1S one of thlS set: 11, e, e, a, el 5) If VI lS 11, e, el, °3 lS not IJ/. 6) If VI lS lu, 0, 0, y/, °3 1S not Iw/. 7) If VI lS Iyl and 03 lS IJI, 02 lS la/· B) If VI -V2 1S Iyy/, °3 lS not /g, lJ/. 9) If VI -V2 1S /11/, °3 lS not /lJ/. 10) If VI 18 one of thlS set: Ie, e, e, a, 0, 0/" then V2 lS the same as VI or lS m1sslng. 11) If VI 1S Ill, V2 18 one of thlS set: 11, a, e/, 01· mlsslng. 12) If VI lS lui, V2 lS one of thlS set: lu, a, e/, or mlsslng. 13 ) If VI lS Iy/, V2 lS /y, al or mlsslng. 25 14) I~ VI-V2 lS IU8, l8/, c3 lS one o~ thls set: Ib, d, gl or mlsslng. 15) I~ C3 lS Ib, d, g/, T lS one o~ thls set: IN" 7. 16) I~ V2 lS 181 or mlsslng and C3 lS mlsslng, T lS one o~ the same set (15). 17) I~ Sl lS present, VI lS 18/, and V2 lS mlsslng, then T lS not I vI. 18) I~ Sl lS present and C3 lS Ib, d, g/, T lS not I NI. 1.7.3. Abnormal Syllablc Dlstrlbutlons Certaln speakers o~ ST, most o~ them also speakers o~ one or more Western languages, have recently lntroduced lnnovatlons lnto the scheme o~ syllablc component dlstrlbutlon whlch are not as yet accepted by the maJorlty o~ ST speakers. Such lnnovatlons lnclude trlple lnltlal consonant clusters, usually lnvolvlng lsi as ~lrst member, and double ~lnal consonant clusters, usually lnvolvlng IJI or Iwl as ~lrst member. An example lncludlng both types o~ lnnovatlon ~ollows: I (labor) strlke l Such patterns, along wlth the use of unusual flnals such as If, s, 1/, are not consldered normal ST dlstrlbutlon patterns In the present analysls. 1.7.4. Other Dlstrlbutlon The normal Ilmltatlons on dlstrlbutlon of prosodlc phonemes wlth relatlon to each other and to syllablc phonemes ~ollow. (R = rhythm phoneme, I = lntonatlon phoneme.) 1) I~ R lS absent, Sl-S2 are absent, T lS I NI or / / (toneless), V2 and C3 are absent. Ithu'lawl Ikl'laal llmprove' sports' 2) I~ R lS I - I, Sl lS I r I or absent and S2 lS absent. 3) If S2 lS flrst I • I In phrase, Sl lS I ! I or I fl. 4) If I lS It. I, some syllable In clause has S2 1:1. 5) If I lS I t .1, and last syllable has Sl , then It also has S2 I I I. 26 6) If In the flrst two of three succeSSlve syllables, the second lS no longer than the flrst, for the second syllable Sl-S2 lS mlsslng and for the thlrd syllable R wlll be at least normal I I, and Sl wlll be at least I ' I. 7) If, In two succeSSlve clauses, flrst clause ends wlth I I tl and second clause beglns Wl th I I f I, I lS It. t I. 8) In two succeSSlve clauses, If I tl lS absent at the end of the flrst clause and at the beglnnlng of the second clause, I lS I · I.



Palrs of morphs exhlbltlng mlnlmal contrasts of syllablc phonemes generally show a hlgh degree of reslstance to homonYmlty under the lnfluence of prosodlc factors such as rhythm and lntonatlon. The areas where amblgultles arlse are malnly conflned to 1) vowel length, 2) stl'ess, and 3) tone. Under normal rhythm condltlons (medlum or longer syllable duratlon), the followlng morphs are dlstlnct from each other: 1) I'kaanl 'buslness, act' 2) Ikanl 'as a group' 3) I'kanl 'hllt' 4) I'kanl 'to ward off' Under fast-rhythm condltlons (medlum -short or short lnternal syllable duratlon), however, all four morphsi may show up as /kan-/: 1) I'leeg kan-'rlanl 'stop (the buslness of) studylng' 2) I 'pa J: kan- modi 'they all (as a group) went' 3) I' cab kan- 'mlldl 'grasp the knlfe-hllt' 4) I' Jaa-kan- , JU:t;]1 'medlclne for (wardlng off) mo SqUl toe s ' Also, under certaln lntonatlonal condltlons, such as between pauses, 3) I'kanl and 4) I'kanl both show up as I. 'kan .1 (see 1.5.1.) For another example of tones falllng together, conslder the followlng four normally dlstlnct morphs: 1) I'khawl 2) /'kh~wl 'he, she, they I 'feature, trace' 27 3) I'khawl 'enter I 4) I'khawl 'hlll ' Under weak stress, however, all can show up as Ikhaw-I: 1) I'rag khaw- Imaagl 'llke her a lot' 2) I'duu khaw- Inaal 'look at the faclal features I 3) I Isa J: khaw-paJI 'put It In there' 4) l'thYlJ khaw- Idlnl 'reached Khao-Dln (mountaln) I It lS deslrable, therefore, for the easy ldentlflcatlon of morphs, to wrlte them In a conslstent morphopl1onemlc shape, lnsofar as posslble. Thls requlres the postulatlon of rules for the reconstructlon of actual phonemlc shapes, under varYlng condltlons, from Imorphophonemlc formulae. In the case of long vowels and tones, thls lS easlly done. In the case of morphs dlfferlng by stress and morphs composed of prosodlc phonemes, It lS more compllcated.

Syllable Morphophonemlcs

Morphs whlch occur under condltlons of normal stress and medlum lnternal-syllable length more often than not are always wrltten In the phonemlc shape whlch they have under those condltlons, except that the stress lS omltted: Phonemlc l'chaalJI / I chalJI Ichanl II chan/ 'artlsan' 'to welgh l 'shelf, cla~s I 'to eat (sald of \monks) Morphopbonemlc IchaalJ/ IchalJI /chanl /chan/ The rules for determlnlng thelr actual phonemlc shape are as follows: 1) Morphs wlth long vowels occur wlth the correspondlng short vowel when they have medlum-short duratlon I - I, provlded the precedlng syllable has medlum duratlon or better. Phonemlc: 'look for a carpenter.' Phonemlc: I'leeg kan-'rlan/ I stop s tUdylng , MorphophonemlC: /leeg kaan-rlanl 28 2) Morphs wlth short vowels occur wlth the correspondlng long vowel under condltlons of loud sustalned stress. Phonemlc: Morphophonemlc: I! chaazp t. I I! chalJ t.1 'I welghed It! 3) Morphs wlth long dlphthongs are sometlmes replaced by shortvowel morphs under condltlons of weak stress and medlum-short or less duratlon. Such allomorphs must be llsted separately. I' sla- 'daaJI 'regret' becomes Isa'daaJI I'lya-'keenl 'excesslvely' becomes 118'keenl l'duaJ- 'm~aJI 'wlth wood' becomes Ida J- I m~ a JI 4) Morphs wlth mld I I and low I 'I tone are replaced by toneless morphs under condltlons of weak stress and medlum-short or less duratlon. l'rOOlJ-'rlanl 'school, , 'don't go' Phonemlca Morphophonemlc: Phonemlc: Morphophonemlc, Phonemlc: MorphophonemlcI Phonemlc: Morphophonemlc: I'thil rOlJ-'rlanl Ithil roolJ-rlanl I'phil Ja- 'paJI Iphil Jaa-paJI I' Jaa-kan- , JUlJI I Jaa-kan- Ju~1 I'cab kan- 'mildl Icab kan-mildl 'a t school' 'Brother shouldn't go. ' 'mosqulto repellent' 'grasp the knlfe-hllt' 5) Morphs wlth constrlcted hlgh I ~/, falllng I AI, and rlslng I vI tone are replaced by morphs wlth plaln hlgh tone I -I under condltlons of weak stress and medlum-short or less dura tlon. l'n~m-'phYlJI l'nalJ-' syyl 'honey' 'book' 'seat' Phonemlc: Morphophonemlc: Phonemlc: Morphophonemlc: l'haJ nam- 'phYlJI IhaJ n~m-phYlJI I'haa thi'-'nalJI Ihaa thil-nalJl 29 'honey- Jar' r 'look for seats' Phonemlc: Morphophonemlc: /' duu nalJ-' sy-y/ /duu na::lJ- syy/ 'look at books' On the other hand, morphs WhlCh occur under condltlons of weak stress and less than medlum duratlon more often than not are also wrltten wlthout stress lndlcatlon: /kan/ /chalJ/ /chan/ 'as a group' 'certalnly does' 'I, me' There are several reasons why no confuslon results from thlS: 1) Some morphemes, llke /kan/, are never stressed unless accompanled by rhythmlc eVldence that they are stressed: Phonemlc: Morphophonemlca /thYlJ-'kan l€-'kan/ 'toward each other' /thYlJ-kan lE-kan/ 2) Other morphemes, llke /chalJ/, have dlfferent shapes when they are stressed. Wrltlng the alternate shape, WhlCh lS usually larger, lS sufflclent lndlcatlon of stress. PhOnelJ1lc: Morphophonemlc: Phonemlci Morphophonemlc: Phonemlc I Morphophonemlcl /chalJ-'phuud/ /chalJ-phuud/ /' chaalJ- 'phuud/ /chaalJ-phuud/ /' chaalJ 'phuud/ /chaalJ phuud/ 'really talks' 'clever talker' 'the artlsan speaks' (The last example lnvolves a dlfferent morpheme, the usuallystressed morpheme /'chaalJ/.) 3) Stlll other morphemes, llke /chan/, are ldentlfled as normally weak-stressed by the fact that they have plaln hlgh tone In thelr prlnclpal allomorph. All morphs wrltten morphophcnemlcally wlth plaln hlgh tone belong elther to thlS category, or to a category WhlCh has loud stress / ! / lin the prlnclpal allomorph. 4) The functlonal load of the contrast weak stress/normal stress lS extremely low In any case. There are a few cases llke the followlng: 'cut halr' 30 'cut me' (Even here, /phom/ 'I' has an alternate form Iphoml for some speakers.) 5) All morphemes Wh1Ch character1st1cally have weak stress are 11sted along w1th the1r allomorphs elsewhere 1n th1S grammar. They are the pronouns, the class1f1ers, and other m1nor form-class members. From th1S p01nt on, normal stress / ' I 1S no longer wr1tten.

Phrase Morphophonemics

Phonemic phrases are written wlthout indication of stress-onset except for loud stress I ! I. Phrase-boundaries are marked by the morphophonemic symbol /, I, WhiCh means 'no syllables with normal or loud stress occur after the syllable with sustained stress I : I.' (See 1.6.4., end.). Clauses without any internal I, / consist of a slngle phrase. Rhythm patterns are retained intact, and internal-syllable durati0ns are written phonemically. The rules for prediction of stress-onset in morphophonemically written phrases are re-stated as follows: 1) If the phrase has no sustained stress, the last syllable in the phrase has at lea~t normal stress. Phonemic: Morphophonemic: I'klab 'baan .1 /klab baan ./ fWent home. ' 2) If the phrase contains a sustained stress, the same syllable that has the sustained stress also has at least normal stress and the syllables after it have no more than weak stress. Phonemic: Morphophonemic: I'klab 'baan: kan-the .1 Iklab baan: kan-the .1 fLet's go home. I 3) Syllables with medium-short durati0n WhiCh occur after syllables of the same or greater durati0n and before syllables of greater durati0n have weak stress (See PhonemiC: I'klab paJ- 'baan .1 'Went back home. ' Morphophonemic: Iklab p~J-baan ./ Phonemic: MorphophonemicI l'saJ khaw-paJ-naJ-kra'paw .1 'Put it into hiS pocket. ' IsaJ khaw-paJ-naJ-krapaw ./ 31 4) All syllables wlth short duratlon have weak stress. Phonemlc: Morphophonemlc: /kra'paw/ /krapaw/ 'pocket' 5) Other syllables have elther weak or normal stress, (wlthln the llmltatlons of predlctablllty set forth In the second part of 1.8.2.): Phonemlc: /'tad 'pham/ 'Cut halr. ' Phonemlc: /'tad pham/ 'Cut me. , Morphophonemlc, for both. /tad pham/ The constltuent phrases of the example 'Is thls the coat you wore last nlght~' (1.6.4., end) are now re-wrltten morphophonemlcally. Flrst Phrase: Second Phrase:

Clause Morphophonemlcs

Deslrable modlflcatlons In the notatlon of clause lntonatlons and Junctures, and also certaln slmpllflcatlons of predlctable features In the clause context, requlre the statement of the followlng rules. 1) Slnce / t / a t the end of a clause lS always preceded by / : / If the last syllable In the clause lS stressed (See, slmpllfy / : t / to / t /. Phonemlc: Morphophonemlc: /'klab 'bian: t./ /klab bian t . / 'He went homel' 2) Slnce, In a phrase wlth no prlor / : /, a syllable before phrase-boundary /, / havlng normal stress must by deflnltlon have sustalned stress for the phrase-boundary to occur at all (see 1.8.3, beglnnlng), replace the comblnatlon / : , / by /,/ (provlded the last syllable In the phrase does not have loud stress / 1 /, where the dlstlnctlon lS meanlngful - see flrst two examples under 1.6.2.). Phonemlc: Morphophonemlc: /'klab 'bian: , 'kln 'khiw ./ 'Went home, and ate. ' 32 3) Slnce the mean1ng of two succeSS1ve clauses w1th fall1ng 1ntonat10n and close Juncture, separated by pause, IA . B .1 1S no dlfferent from the mean1ng of two succeSS1ve phrases 1n a slngle clause w1th fall1ng 1ntonatlon IA , B .1, replace all 1nternal slmple pauses I . I by phrase boundarles I, I. Phonem1c: Morphophonem1C: I'klab 'baan • 'k1n 'khaaw .1 Iklab baan , k1n khaaw .1 (Same as example 1n 2) above.), 4) Replace all 1nstances of I. t I by the symbol I . I (WhlCh has no other morphophonemlc slgnlf1cance followlng the appllcat10n of rule 3) above). Thus I . I 1n effect becomes the symbol for open clause Juncture and utterance-f1nal pause. Phonem1c: Morphophonem1cs I'klab 'baan • t 'k1n 'khaaw .1 'Went home. Ate.' 5) Replace all 1nstances of IA t . BI, where a clause w1th hlgh 1ntonat1on 1S followed 1n close Juncture by another clause, by IA t BI, Wh1Ch In effect slgn1f1es close clause Juncture or ltS equ1valent. Phonem1c: Morphophonem1c: Iphom 'maa. ni-k.~rab t. tha'maJ camaJ- 'maa .1 'I came!- why wouldn't I have come.' Iphom maa: nl1-khrab t thamaJ camaJ-maa .1 1ntonat1on sequences glven 1n 1.6.3. ! represents the clause or phrase and B represents the clause Ikhun n1ght. I 6) As a corollary of rule 4), replace the comb1nat1on IA t . t BI by the comb1nat1on IA t . BI (Wh1Ch has no other morphophonemlc slgn1f1cance followlng the appl1catlon of rule 5) above) • Phonem1c: Iphom 'maa: ni- khrab t t tha'maJ camaJ-'maa, tl 'I came! Why wouldn't I have come"! I Morphophonem1cI Iphom maa: nl1-khrab t thamaJ camaJ-maa t ·1 The e1ght examples of dlfferent are now symbol1zed morphophonem1cally. /sya tua-n{ll reel, lIs th1S the coat" I S8.J mya-khyyn-n{ll IYou 1Iwre (1 t) last IA B.I IA . B • I 'Is th1S the coat you wore last nlght?' 'Is th1S the coat" You wore 1t last n1ght. ' 33 3) /A t B .j 'Is thls the coat you wore last nlght7J' 4) /A t . B .j 'Is thls the coa t7 J You wore lt last nlght. ' 5) jA B t .j 'Is thls the coat you wore last nlght7J 6) /A . B t ./ 'Is thls the coat" You wore lt last nlght! ' 7) jA t B t .j 'Is thls the coat you wore last nlght7J 8) /A t . B t ./ 'Is thlS the coa t7 J You wore 1 t la s t nlght J '